I am struggling to see the point of extending article 50 for two reasons.
Firstly on the assumption that the EU can be held to their word that they will not renegotiate the withdrawal agreement.
Secondly I have serious doubts as to whether MPs across the Commons chamber can or ever will reach a workable majority in favour of ANY exit strategy from the EU.
This is because there are so many 'red lines' in play in across both Conservative and Labour MPs that are incompatible. And to complicate matters further the EU also has red lines where they are seemingly not willing to compromise.
The biggest fundamental issue for me is that most of the Commons were and still are anti Brexit. This being the case makes agreeing on an exit strategy all the more complicated. The parliamentary will whether by accident or design seems to be to scupper, stifle and frustrate the very idea of Brexit actually happening.
The public will in the referendum was to leave the EU.
The public knew when they voted that Brexit negotiations could result in a successfully negotiated deal or a possible no deal.
In that knowledge they still voted to leave.
By the same token when the Commons voted to trigger Article 50 they also knew the aforementioned possibilities and voted to trigger the process.
For MPs to suddenly start and/or enable parliamentary processes to try to prevent a no deal scenario seems to me to be (a) disingenuous (b) far too late and © highly presumptuous of an idea that no deal is something those who voted for Brexit are ardently opposed to.
The will of the people in the referendum is proving subject to speculation and assumption on what the vote actually meant and the reasons for it.
Not only that but there are those who would argue the will of the people is being disrespected. The point is that the majority voted to leave NOT remain.
Not an easy thing for me to write because I voted to remain.
Some parliamentarians are in favour of a 'peoples vote' or 2nd referendum.
Once again however I have to question the value of such a proposal.
What happens if it finishes 52-48 in favour of remain?
Is the suggestion that such a result would override the result of the first referendum?
Those in favour of leave would have genuine cause for complaint if that were the decision. What happens if Remain won 51-49.
Does that mean Leave still win 101-99 on aggregate?
.
Or should it be deemed as 1-1 and therefore a need for a 3rd and deciding referendum is required a year later. Best of 3, best of 5 etc etc etc.
Must win by 2 clear referendums
.
Maybe if either Leave or Remain won the 2nd referendum by a big margin it might clear the waters somewhat.
The question of what options should appear on the ballot paper has been mooted in recent days by some commentators and parliamentarians alike.
The desire of many MPs seems to be to avoid no deal.
But who are they to presume that the public opposition to no deal is as strong?
MPs are there to serve the will of their constituents and the electorate at large.
They are not there to represent their own opinion or self interest.
Something that in so many ways seems lost on the modern culture of politics.
There is an assumption by MPs that 'Remain' would have to be on the ballot paper almost as if it takes a higher priority than no deal.
But this is fundamentally wrong.
The question of to leave or remain is no longer the question.
That question has received it's answer already much to my disappointment but the result is the result. It must be respected.
To that end the question on the ballot paper should be 'How' rather than 'If' we leave.
If Parliament is incapable or unwilling to come to heal then maybe the public should rule on Theresa Mays deal v No deal.
Whatever they decide goes on the basis the will of the majority in a democratic vote must win the day.